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Background[ edit ] The issue on which the French movement centred at first was the projected increase in fuel taxes, particularly on diesel fuel. The French manufacturer Peugeot has been at the forefront of diesel technology, and from the s, the French government favoured this technology.

A reduction in VAT taxes for corporate fleets also increased the prevalence of diesel cars in France. Costs of distribution increased by 40 percent. VAT included, diesel taxes increased by 14 percent over one year and petrol taxes by 7.

Part of this tax, paid at the pump, goes to regional governments, while another portion goes to the national government. Since , this tax has included a carbon component—increased each year—in an effort to reduce fossil fuel consumption. The TICPE for diesel fuel was raised sharply in and to bring it to the same level as the tax on petrol. Its rate has been stable at 20 percent since , after having been at The protest movement against fuel prices mainly concerns individuals, as a number of professions and activities benefit from partial or total exemptions from TICPE.

As the carbon tax had progressively been ramping up to meet ecological objectives, many who have chosen fossil fuel-based heating for their homes, outside of city centres—where a car is required—are displeased. President Macron attempted to dispel these concerns in early November by offering special subsidies and incentives. The change was opposed and was a factor in the rise of the yellow vest movement. It was seen as another tax via citations [] and a failure to understand the needs of rural residents who are totally reliant on their cars.

Vandalism of traffic enforcement cameras grew significantly after the yellow vest movement began. One of the viral videos around this group launched the idea of using yellow jackets.

Informal leaders can emerge, but some have been rejected by other demonstrators and even threatened. According to John Lichfield, some in the movement extend their hatred of politicians even to any "would-be politicians who emerge from their own ranks".

Not needing one has become a status symbol in France. Those in city centres have a wealth of public transport to choose from, but you need to be rich enough to live in the centre of Paris or Marseille or Bordeaux ". In December the level of threats and attacks was such that more and more news organizations decided that every reporter they sent out should be accompanied by a bodyguard, [] because of the strong aversion the yellow jackets had shown toward journalists and media.

The presence of far-right elements in the movement was also off-putting to the CGT. According to Pascal Froissart, the leaderless, horizontal aspect of the movement contributes to the dissemination of disinformation, as nobody is in charge of public relations or social media messaging. The bottom-up Swiss model of government, where referenda are frequent, has been compared to the top-down French governmental system to explain the lack of a similar movement in French-speaking Switzerland.


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